Skip to main content

Full text of "Industrial unionism [microform]"

See other formats


NO. 94-8201 3 


The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) 
governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted 
materials including foreign works under certain conditions. In addition, 
the United States extends protection to foreign works by means of 
various international conventions, bilateral agreements, and 

Under certain conditions specified in the law, libraries and archives are 
authorized to furnish a photocopy or other reproduction. One of these 
specified conditions is that the photocopy or reproduction is not to be 
"used for any purpose other than private study, scholarship, or research." 
If a user makes a request for, or later uses, a photocopy or reproduction 
for purposes in excess of "fair use," that user may be liable for copyright 

The Columbia University Libraries reserve the right to refuse to accept a 
copying order if. In Its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve 
violation of the copyright law. 


De Leon, Daniel 


Industrial unionism 


[New York] 









De Leon, Daniel, 1852-1914. 

Industrial unionism. Also, Industrial 
xmionism, an address delivered at New York, 
Dec. 10, 1905, by Eugene V. Debs. jNew Yorkj 
New York labor news co., 1918. 

10, 22 p. 



« ■.^^■Wk«MM*B 

FILM SIZE: '^^' 










TRACKING # : M^H 000(,% 








o > 

3 X 

13 7" 
■D P 









o m 


^o o 

























1.0 mm 

1.5 mm 

2.0 mm 

KiciMthiihlmnoparsiuvwxyl 1 234S67890 

abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz 1234^67890 




2.5 mm 






% ^ 

S"- \. ^^ 













> C CO 

I TJ ^ 

0</) 5 










1— » 









<< VQ 




O > 




■o p 

»< 3j 






Industrial Unionism 


DANIFl. !)h Li:^.ON 



Industrial Unionism 

An ad d^livorcd at Grand Central Palace, New York, 

Suitday. December 10, 1905. 


F\ (;knk V dkbs 

Stenographically reported by ♦^he 

V/ilic Tvoewritir,g fo., 

N- V VcxK Ci:y. M. Y. 















• • • 

•• • 

• • • 

• • • 

I . 


In these days, when the term 'industrial Unionism" is 
being played with fast and loose — ^when, in some quarters, 
partly out of conviction, partly for revenue, "striking at the 
ballot-box with an ax," theft, even murder, "sabotage," in 
short, is preached in its name ; — when, at the National Coun- 
cils of the A. F. of L. lip-service is rendered to it as a cloak 
under which to justify its practical denial by the advocacy 
and justification of scabbery, as was done at Rochester, at 
the 1912 convention, by the Socialist Party man and Inter- 
national Typographical delegate Max Hayes; when notoriety- 
seekers strut in and thereby bedrabble its fair feathers ; when 
the bourgeois press, partly succumbing to the yellow streak 
that not a memiber thereof is wholly free from, partly in the 
interest of that confusion in which capitalist intellectuality 
sees the ultimate sheet-anchor of Class Rule, promotes, with 
lurid reports, "essays" and editorials, a popular misconcep- 
tion of the term ; — at this season it is timely that the Social- 
ist Labor Party, the organization which, more than any 
other, contributed in raising and finally planting, in 1905, 
the principle and the structure of Industrialism, reassert 
what Industrial Unionism is, re-state the problem and its im- 

Capitalism is the last expression of Class Rule. The eco- 
nomic foundation of Class Rule is the private ownership of 
the necessaries for production. The social structure, or garb, 
of Class Rule is the Political State — that social structure in 
which Government is an organ separate and apart from pro- 
duction, with no vital function other than the maintenance 
of the supremacy of the ruling class. 

The overthrow of Class Rule means the overthrow of the 


political State, and its substitution with the Industrial Social 
Order, under which the necessaries for production are collec- 
tively owned and operated by and for the people. 

Goals determine methods. The goal of social evolution 
being the final overthrow of Class Eule, its methods must 
nt the goal. 

As in nature, where optical illusions abound, and stand in 
the way of progress until cleared, so in society. 

The fact of economic despotism by the ruling class raises, 
with some, t^e illusion that the economic organization and 
activity ^of the despotized workjing class is all-sufficient to 
remove the ills complained of. 

«,Jv!'%l*''* ""Lp^!!*^^^ despotism by the ruling class raises, 
with others the illusion that the political organization and 
activity of the despotized working class is aU-sufficient to 
brmg about redress. 

The one-legged conclusion regarding economic organiza- 
ton and activity fatedly abuts, in ihe end, in pure and sim- 
ple bombism as exemplified in the A. F. of L., despite its 
Cmc Federation and Militia of Christ affiliations, L well 
as by the Anarcho-Syndicalist so-called Chicago I W W — 
m Bakoumnism, in short, against which the genius of Marx 
struggled and warned. * 

The one-legged conclusion regarding political organization 
and actmiy, as fatedly abuts, in the end, in pure and simple 
ballotism as already numerously and lamentablv exemplified 
in ihe Socialist Party,-likewise struggled ^and warned 
against by Marx as "parliamentary idiocy'' 

Industrial Unionism, free from optical 'illusions, is clear 

npon the goal--the substitution of ihe political State with 

the Industnal Government. Clearness of vision renders In- 

flrlc^j'^'T^'^ '"^'"''^ ^°*^ ^ ^e Anarchist self-deceit 

nh.-pf fw""^ ^^^T^'^'^/' '^"^^^^ ^g^^«^ ^th ^1 the mis- 
chief that flows therefrom, and to the politician's ^'parlia- 

S'cS Ruk ^ ^ ^^ *^ legislation for the overtlirow 

The Industrial Union grasps the principle: "J^o Govern- 
ment no organization; no organization, no co-operative la- 
bor, no co-operative labor, no abundance for all ^thout ar- 



duous toil, hence, no Freedom." — Hence, the Industrial Un- 
ion aims at a democratically centralized Government, accom- 
panied by the democratically requisite "local self-rule.". 

The Industrial Union grasps the principle of the political 
State— -central and local authorities disconnected from pro- 
ductive activity; and it grasps the requirements of the Gov- 
ernment of Freedom — the central and local administrative 
authorities of the productive capabilities of the people. 

The Industrial Union hearkens to the command of social 
evolution to cast the nation, and, with the nation, its gov- 
ernment, in a mold different from the mold in which Class 
Rule casts nations and existing governments. While Class 
jRule caste the nation, and, with the nation, its government, 
in the mold of territory. Industrial Unionism casts the na- 
tion in the mold of useful occupations, and transforms the 
nation's government into the representations from these. Ac- 
cordingly, Industrial Unionism organizes the useful occupa- 
tions of the land into the constituencies of Future Society. 

In performing this all-embracing function, Industrial 
Unionism, the legitimate offspring of civilization comes 
equipped with all the experience of the Age. 

Without indulging in the delusion that ite progress will 
be a "dress parade" ; and, knowing that ite program carries 
in ite folds that acute stage of all evolutionary process known 
as Revolution, the Industrial Union connects with the 
achievemente of the Revolutionary Fathers of the country, 
the first to frame a Constitution that denies the perpetuity 
of their own social system, and that, by ite amendment clause, 
legalizes Revolution. Connecting with that great achieve- 
ment of the American Revolution ; fully aware that the Rev- 
olution which it is big with being one that concerns the 
masses and that needs the masses for ite execution, 
excludes the bare idea of conspiracy, and imperatively 
commands an open and above-board agitetional, edu- 
cational, and organizing activity; finally ite path 
lighted by the beacon tenet of Marx that none but the bona 
fide Union can set on foot the true political party of Labor; 
— Industrial Unionism bends its efforts to unite the working 
class upon the political oa well as the industrial field,— on 


the industrial field because, without the integrally organized 
Union of the working class, the revolutionary act is impos- 
sible; on the political field, because on none other can be 
proclaimed the revolutionary purpose, without consciousness 
of which the Union is a rope of sand. 

Industrial Unionism is the Socialist Republic in the maJc- 
ing; and the goal once reached, the Industrial Union is the 
Socialist Republic in operation. 

Accordingly, the Industrial Union is, at once, the batter- 
ing ram with which to pound down the foriress of capital- 
iam, and the successor of the capitalist social structure itself. 


Industrialism is a trefoil that constitutes one leaf ; it is a 
term that embraces three domains, closely interdependent, 
and all three requisite to the whole. The three domams are 
Fortn, Tactics and Goal. The Goal is the substitution of the 
industrial for the political government; another term for the 
Socialist Republic; the Tactics are the unification of the use- 
ful labor of the land on the political as well as the economic 
field; the Form concerns the structure of the organization. 
Each of the three domains covers an extensive field, being 
the gathered experience of the Labor or Socialist Movement 
It is next to impossible to handle property any of the three 
departments without touching the others. Unavoidably they 
closely dovetail with one another. 


In the matter of Form or Structure Industrialism is a 
physical crystallization of the sociologic principle that the 
proletariat is one. From the fundamental principle of the 
oneness of interests of the proletariat arises the ideal to be 
obtained— their solidarity; and that shatters all structures 
reared upon the theory of Craft Sovereignty. It shatters that 
theory as completely as, upon the political field. State Sover- 
eignty was shattered in the country. It does so for parity of 
reasoning. Whatever the state lines, the separate states are 
but fractions of the whole nation. Whatever the craft lines, 
the separate crafts are but fractions of the whole Proletariat. 
Consequently, however different the nature of the occupa- 
tion, the work done, and the conditions of work, the useful 
labor of the land is one nation, hence, must be organized as 
CT" vn*'on. 


The industrialist principle of one union, on the same 
ground as one nation, excludes, as a matter of course, the jel- 
ly-fish conception of oneness. The oneness of the high struc- 
ture of the human being is a different oneness from that of 
the lower jelly-fish. As the structure of the human being 
implies parts and co-ordination of parts, so does the struc- 
ture of Industrialism, a concept bom of the higher develop- 
ment of modern society, imply divisions and subdivisions. 
The field upon v^rhich Industrialism operates warrauts the 
parallel with a modem army. One though an army is, it has 
its separate divisions and subdivisions. These are also im- 
perative to the Industrialist Army— it also has and must 
have companies, battalions, regiments, brigades, divisions. 


The impariant question then arises. What fact traces the 
Imes that axe to mark these several parts from one another? 
What the line of demarcation is among the several parts of 
the Industrialist Army is determined by the facts in produc- 
tion. The central principles in the determination flow from 
the facts that dictate the form, or structure, of the corps des- 
ignated as the "Local Industrial Union," and correctly so 
designated, seeing that, although the "Local Industrial Un- 
ion'' does not comprise the whole organization, but is only a 
part thereof, nevertheless its stmcture typifies Industrialism. 

Does the same fact, which traces the line between one Lo- 
cal Industrial Union and another in one locality, also trace 
the line between the "Trade and Shop Branches"? It does 
not. The fact that traces the line between one Local Indus- 
feial Union and another in one locality, and the fact that 
determines tiie boundaries of the component factors of tiie 
Local Industrial Union, are different. What facts are these ? 
The answer to this question answers the question. How does 
Industrialism organize? 

The fact that traces the external boundary lines of the Lo- 
cal Industrial Union is the output. 

Here are two illustrations— one, the printing shop, a con- 
cern which turns out an actual product, printed matter; the 
other, the trolley line, a concem which does not turn' out 


any actual product, but fills that necessary and supplemen- 
tary function in production which consists in transportation. 
In each instance the output — ^printed matter in one case, 
transportation in the other — draws the boundary lines of the 
respective Local Industrial Union. 


In the instance of the printing shop, the output being 
printed matter, all the wage workers, whatever their special- 
ized occupation may be, are, in that locality, engaged in the 
same industry. Being so engaged, they belong in one print- 
ers' Local Industrial Union. 

In the instance of the trolley line, the output being trans- 
portation, all the wage workers, whatever their specialized 
occupation may be, are in that locality engaged in the same 
industry. Being so engaged, they belong in one, in a trac- 
tion Local Industrial Union. 

Before proceeding to the internal construction of the Lo- 
cal Industrial Union, an objection that has been raised 
against the external construction of the Local Industrial Un- 
ion, must be here considered. 

Compositors, proofreaders, etc., are frequently found em- 
ployed in other than establishments the output of which is 
printed matter; they are found employed in some large tex- 
tile concerns, they are found employed in electrical, in hotel, 
in railroad, and other establishments. In the traction indus- 
try there are electricians, firemen, etc. At the same time, 
electricians and firemen are found employed in other than 
establishments the output of which is transportation; thc.v 
are found at work in hotels, in foundries, in big office build- 
ings. And so all along the line. There hardly is an estab- 
lishment, yielding a certain output, which does not employ 
occupations that contribute to some other output in some 
other establishment. 

This fact has been seized by A. F. of L. craft unionism as 
a proof positive of the "absurdity" of Industrialism. "Think 
of it," these gentlemen have said and even written, "one 
time a compositor is a 'printer,' another time he is a 'textile 
worker,' in another place he is an 'electrician,' in another 



place he is a 'restaurant worker/ in a fifth place he is a 
*railroader'; as to electricians and firemen, in one instance 
they are 'traction workers,' in another *hotel and restaurant 
workers/ in a third they are 'foundrymen/ in a fourth *ele- 
Tator and janitormen' ! How lau<rhable !'' And much is the 
mirth these gentry have indulged in on that score. 
For one thing, the foundation for the seeming absurdity 
is *'Craft Vanity,''—^ sentiment, which traced to its source, 
18 a denial of the oneness of proletarian interests. For an- 
other thing, the only alternative to the "absurdity of Indus- 
triahgm" is the tragedy of "Craft Sovereignty." * The first 
objection superficial thinkers may be disposed to dismiss as 
^theoretical." Some reasoners will be less prone to sneer at 
a "theory." In this matter, however, the theory can be left 
aside. Its practical manifestation is "Craft Sovereignty," 
and the practical manifestations of that should be shocTan^ 
mough to shock the laughter out of the most mirthful Crafit 
Unionist— provided, of course, he is not a labor lieutenant of 
the capitalist class. 

What the practical manifestations of "Craft Sovereignty" 
are have often enough been on view in A. F. of L. strikes, 
when one craft on strike in an industn- would be left in the 
lurch by another craft in the same industry, which makes 
the A. F. of L. a veritable craft scabbing affair. Such things 
are only carried further at the A. F. of L. conventions where 
whole bunches of delegates denounce one another as scabs. 
Such a spectacle places the practical issue, or alternative, 
squarely— cither Industrialism, despite its incidental and very 
limited "laughableness/' or Craft Unionism, despite its per- 
manent and chronically corstitutional scabbery— in other 
words, either a little and far-fetched amuse merit, or a mass 
of actual tragedy.. Industrialism— that form of economic 
organization that capitnlist development dictates— dictates 
the output as the controllinsr fact which traces the external 
line of demarcation for the Local Industrial Union. 

What, now, determines the internal lines of demarcation 
for the Local Industrial Union? As the fact in prndvrfwn 


that traces the boundary line of the Local Industrial Union 
is the output, the correlated fact in production^ which traces 
the boundary lines between the component factors of the Lo- 
cal Industrial Union, that is, the Trade and Shop Branches, 
is the tooL 

From all that precedes it fellows that the Local Industrial 
Union is a unit composed of a variety of occupations. 

The component parts of the Local Industrial Union are 
the Trade and Shop Branches. These Branches consist of 
workers engaged in specific work; within each Branch be- 
long all and only those engaged in such specific work. What 
characterizes their work in each instance? The tool used by 

Sticking to the two illustrations— the printing industry 
and the traction industry — used before, all the workers who 
in one locality contribute to the output printed matter be- 
long in one Local Industrial Union. The specific occupation 
of all these workers is, however, not the same. Some are 
compositors, others stereotypers, still others editors, etc. The 
specific work in each instance is different, requiring specific 
consideration. Each specific occupation requires its own or- 
ganization — Branch. The tool used by the individual in his 
specific work determines the boundaries of his Branch, and 
the Branch to which he belongs — the workers whose tool is 
the type-case or machine belong in a compositors' Branch; 
the workers whose tool is the stereotyping apparatus, in a 
stereotypers' Branch; the workers whose tool is the pen be- 
long in a writers' or editorial Branch; and so forth. Like- 
wise with the traction industry. Different being the specific 
occupations of the workers who jointly contribute to the out- 
put transportation, each specific occupation has its own 
specific business, requiring a specific Branch — the workers 
whose tool is the motor belong in a motormen's Branch; 
those whose tool is the machinery in the power-house belong 
in a power Branch; and so forth. All the Trade and Shop 
Branches of each Local Industrial Union, being properly 
connected by respective representative bodies, constitute the 
local unit of Industrialism. With the Trade and Shop 



Branches there is order within the Local Industrial Union; 
without them there would be bedlam. 

For the completion of this sketch in the descending line 
of organization there remains one organism to consider — 
the "Recruiting'' or "Mixed Local/' This organism is purely 
transitory. Its members are transient. So long as there are 
not enough workers in any one specific occupation to or- 
ganize a Traxie and Shop Branch the worker is temporarily 
housed in a Recruiting Local, from which he is transferred 
to a Trade and Shop Branch of his industry, just as soon as 
there are enough of such workers to constitute such a Branch. 


How does Industrialism organize? 

From the sketch rapidly traced above the answer is, in the 
ascending line: 

Ist By gathering into and keeping in '"Recruiting Lo- 
cals" the individual workers of whose specific occupation 
there may not as yet be enough to organize a "Trade and 
Shop Branch"; 

2nd. By gathering into '"Trade and Shop Branches" all 
the workers who use the identical tool. 

3rd. By gathering into "I.ocal Industrial Unions" all the 
several "Trade and Shop Branches" whose combined work 
furnishes a given output. There can be no "TiOcal Industrial 
Union" without at least two "Trade and Shop Branches." 

These are the first three stages. The further stages in 
the ascending line,— Industrial Councils, National Industri- 
al Unions, and Industrial Departments— are obvious. Their 
structure, hence the method of their organization, flows 
from the structure and reason for the structure of the '"Lo- 
cal Industrial Union." 



(Chairman Rozelle: — I have the pleasure now to introduce 
to you one whom you all know, Eugene V. Debs.) 

There is inspiration in your greeting and my heart opens 
wide to receive it. I have come a thousand miles to join 
with you in fanning the flames of the proletarian revolution. 

Your presence here makes this a vitalizing atmosphere for 
a labor agitator. I can feel my stature increasing, and this 
means that you are growing, for all my strength is drawn 
from you, and without you 1 am nothing. 

In capitalist society you are the lower class; the capital- 
ists are the upper class — because they are on your backs; 
if they were not on your backs, they could not be above 
you. (Applause and laughter). 

Standing in your presence, I can see in your gleaming 
eyes and in your glowing faces the vanguard ; I can hear the 
tramp, I can feel the thrill of the social revolution. The 
working class are waking up. (A voice, "you bet"). They 
are beginning to understand that their economic interests 
are identical, that they must unite and act together econom- 
ically and politically and in every other way; that ©nly by 
united action can they overthrow the capitalist system and 
emancipate themselves from wage-slavery. (Applause). 

I have said that in capitalist society the working class 
are the lower class; they have always been the lower class. 
In the ancient world for thousands of years they were abject 
slaves; in the Middle Ages, serfs; in modem times, wage- 
workers; to become free men in socialism is the next inevit- 
able phase in our civilization. (Applause). The working 
class have struggled through all the various phases of their 
development, and they are to-day engaged in the last stage 
of the animal struggle for existence; and when the present 
revolution has run its course, the working class will stand 
forth the sovereigns of this earth. 

In capitalist society the working man is not, in fact, a 
man at all; as a wage-worker, he is simply merchandise; 
he is bought in the open market the same as hair, hides, 
salt, or any other form of merchandise. The very termin- 



ology of the capitalist system proves that he is not a m^xi 
in any sense of that term. 

When the capitalist needs you as a working man to oper- 
ate his machine, he does not advertise, he does not call for 
men, but for '*hands"; and when you see a placard posted 
"Fifty hands wanted," you stop on the instant; you kno^ 
ihat that means YOU, and you take a bee-line for the 
bureau of employment to offer yourself, in evidence of the 
fact that you are a '*hand." When the capitalist adver- 
tises for hands, that is what he wants. He would be in- 
sulted if you were to call him a "hand." He has his capi- 
talist politician tell you, when your vote is wanted, that 
you ought to be very proud of your hands because they are 
homy; and if that is true, he ought to be ashamed of his. 
(Laughter and applause). 

What is your status in society to-day? You are a humaa 
being, a wage-worker. Here you stand just as you were 
created, and you have two hands that represent your labor 
power; but you do not work and why not? — For this simple 
reason, that you have no tools with which to work; you 
cannot compete against the machinery of the capitalist with 
your bare hands; you cannot work unless you have access to 
it, and you can only secure access to it by selling your labor 
power, that is to say your energy, your vitality, your life 
itself, to the capitalist who owns the tool with which yon 
work, and without which you are idle and suffer all of the 
ills that idleness entails. 

In the evolution of capitalism, society has been divided 
mainly into two economic classes: a relatively small class 
of capitalists who own tools in the form of great machines 
they did not make and cannot use, and a great body of many 
millions of workers who did make these tools and who do 
use them, and whose very lives depend upon them, yet 
who do not own them; and these millions of wage-workers, 
producers of wealth, are forced into the labor market, in 
competition with each other, disposing of their labor power 
to the capitalist class, in consideration of just enough of 
what they produce to keep them in working order. They 
are exploited of the greater share of what their labor pro- 
duces, so that while, upon the one hand, they can produc* 


in great abundance, upon the other, they can consume but 
that share of the product that their meagre wage will buy; 
and every now and then it follows that they have pro- 
duced more than can be consumed in the present system, 
and then they are displaced by the very products of their 
own labor; the mills and shops and mines and quarries in 
which they are employed, close down, the tools are locked 
up and they are locked out, and they find themselves idle 
and helpless in the shadow of the very abundance their 
labor has created. There is no hope for them in this sys- 
tem. They are beginning to realize this fact, and so they 
are beginning to organize themselves; they are no longer 
relying upon some one else to emancipate them, but they 
are making up their minds to depend upon themselves and 
to organize for their own emancipation. 

Too long have the workers of the world waited for some 
Moses to lead them out of bondage. He has not come; he 
never will come. I would not lead you out if I could; for 
if you could be led out, you could be led back again. (Ap- 
plause). I would have you make up your minds that there 
is nothing that you cannot do for yourselves. You do not 
need tJhe capitalist. He could not exist an instant without 
you. You would just begin to live without him. (Laughter 
and prolonged applause). You do everything and he has 
everything; and some of you imagine that if it were not 
for him you would have no work. As a matter of fact, he 
does not employ you at all; you employ him to take from 
you what you produce, and he faithfully sticks to his task. 
If you can stand it, he* can; and if yon don't change this 
relation, I am sure he won't. You make the automobile, he 
rides in it. If it were not for you, he would walk ; and if 
it were not for him, you would ride. 

The capitalist politician tells you on occasion that yon 
are the salt of the earth ; and if you are, you had better begin 
by salting down the capitalist class. 

The revolutionary movement of the working class will 
date from the year 1905, from the organization of the IN- 
applause). Economic solidarity is to-day the supreme need 
of the working class. The old form of unionism has long 



since fulfilled its mission and outlived its usefulness, and 
the hour has struck for a change. 

The old unionism is organized upon the basis of the 
identity of interests of the capitalist and working classes. It 
spends its time and energy trying to harmonize these two es- 
sentially antagonistic classes ; and so this unionism has at its 
head a harmonizing board called the Civic Federation. This 
federation consists of three parts; a part representing the 
capitalist class; a part supposed to represent the working 
class and still another part that is said to represent the 
public." The capitalists are represented by that great union 
labor champion, August Belmont. (laughter and hisses). 
1 he working class is represented by Samuel Gompers, the 
president of the American Federation of Labor (hisses and 
c^r sick him/') and the public, by Grover Cleveland. 

Car you imagine a fox and goose peace congress? Just 
fancy uch a meeting, the goose lifting its wings in benedic- 
tion, c.jd the fox whispering "Let us prey." 

The C?ivic Federation has been organized for the one 
purpose of prolonging the age-long sleep of the working class. 
I heir supreme purpose is to keep you from waking up. (A 
voice: "They can't do it.") 6 H l 

The Industrial Workers has been organized for an opposite 
purpose, and its representatives come in your presence to 
tell you that there can be no peace between you, the work- 
mg class, and the capitalist class who exploit vou of what 
.you produce; that as workers, you have economic interests 
apart from and opposed to their interests, and that you 
must organize by and for yourselves; and that if you are 
intelligent enough to understand these interests, you will 
sever your relations with the old unions in which you are 
divided and sub-divided, and join the Industrial Workers, 
in which all are organized and united upon the basis of the 
class struggle. (Applause). 

The Industrial Workers is organized, not to conciliate, but 
to fight the capitalist class. We have no object in conceal- 
msr any part of our mission; we would have it perfectly 
understood. We deny that there is anything in common be- 
tween workmgmen and capitalists. We insist that working- 


men must organize to get rid of capitalists and make them- 
selves the masters of the tools with which they work, freely 
employ themselves, secure to themselves all they produce, 
4Uid enjoy to the full the fruit of their labors. (Applause). 

The old union movement is not only organized upon the 
l)asi8 of the identity of interests of the exploited and ex- 
ploiting classes, but it divides instead of uniting the workers, 
and there are thousands of unions, more or less in conflict, 
used against one another; and so long as these countless 
unions occupy the field, there will be no substantial unity of 
the working class. (Applause). 

And here let me say that the most zeaious supporter of 
the old union is the capitalist himself. August Belmont, 
president of the Civic Federation, takes special pride in de- 
claring himself a "union man" (laughter) ; but he does not 
mean by that that he is an Industrial Worker, that is not 
the kind of a union he means. He means the impotent old 
union that Mr. Gompers and Mr. Mitchell lead, the kind that 
keeps the working class divided so that the capitalist system 
may be perpetuated indefinitely. 

For thirty years I have been connected with the organized 
labor movement. I have long since been made to realize that 
the pure and simple union can do nothing for the working 
class ; I have had some experience and know whereof I speak. 

The craft union seeks to establish its own petty supremacy. 
Craft division is fatal to class unity. To organize along 
craft lines means to divide the working class and make it 
the prey of the capitalist class. The working class can only 
l)e unionized efficiently along class lines; and so the In- 
dustrial Workers has been organized, not to isolate the crafts 
but to unite the whole working class. (Applause). 

The working class has had considerable experience during 
the past few years. In every conflict between labor and cap- 
ital, labor has been defeated. Take the leading strikes in 
their order, and you will find that, without a single excep- 
tion, the organized workers have been defeated, and thousands 
upon thousands of them have lost their jobs, and many of 
them have become "scabs." Is there not something wrong 
with a unionism in which the workers are always worsted? 


Let me review hurriedly some of this history of the past few 

I have seen the conductors on the Chicago, Burlington. 
& Quincy Railroad, organized in a craft union, take the 
places of the striking union locomotive engineers on the same 
system. | 

I have seen the employes of, the Missouri, Kansas & Texas I 
Railway, organized in their several craft unions, stand by 
the corporation as a unit, totally wiping out the union teleg- 
raphers, thirteen hundred of them losing their jobs. 

I have seen these same craft unions, just a little while 
ago, on the Northern Pacific and Great Northern systems — 
I have seen them unite with the corporation to crush out 
the telegraphers' union, and defeat the strikers, their own 
co-unionists and fellow employes. 

Just a few weeks ago, in the city of Chicago, the switch- 
men on the Grand Trunk went out on strike. AH their fel- 
low unionists remained at work and faithfully served the 
corporation until the switchmen were defeated, and now those 
union switchmen are scattered about looking for jobs. 

Til' machinists were rocently on strike in Chicago. They 
went nt in a hy^\' undt r the direcHon of their craft union. 
Tho^ fellow unionists all roma'Tictl at work until the ma- 
s were conipl'^toly defeated and now their organization 



Hi '■ city is r^n i]\c verge of collapse. 

• re has been a ceaseless repetition cd this form of 
80^' ' \<r of one craft union upon another until the working 
n^ f his eyes are open, is bounrl to see that this kind of 
ui sm is a curse and not a benefit to the working class. 

1 American Federation of Labor does not learn by ex- 
perier'ce. They recently held their annual convention, and 
they passed the same old stereotyped resolutions; they are 
goinjx to petition Congress to restrict the power of the courts ; 
that is to say, they are goinsr to once more petition a capi- 
talist Congress to restrict the power of capitalist courts. 
That is as if a flock of sheep were to petition a lot of wolves 
to extract their own fangs. They have passed these resolu- 
tions over and over again. They have been totally fruitless 
and they will continue to be. 

What good came to the working class from this conven- 


tion? Put your finger upon a single thing they did that 
will be of any real benefit to the workers of the country ! 

You have had some experience here in New York. You. 
have plenty of unionism here, such as it is, yet there is not 
a city in the country in which the workers are less organized 
than they are here in New York. It was in March last thai 
you had here an exhibition of pure and simple unionism. 
You saw about six thousand craft union men go out on strike,. 
and you saw their fellow unionists remain at work loyally 
until all the strikers were defeated and sacrificed. Here you 
have an object lesson that is well calculated to set you think- 
ing, and this is all I can hope to do by coming here, set you 
thinking, and for yourselves; for when you begin to think, 
you will soon begin to act for yourselves. You will then 
sever your relations with capitalist unions and capitalist 
parties (applause), and you will begin the real work of or- 
ganizing your class, and that is what we of the Industrial 
Workers have engaged to do. We have a new mission. That 
mission is not merely the amelioration of the condition of 
the working class, but the complete emancipation of that 
class from slavery. (Applause). 

The Industrial Workers is going to do all for the working- 
class that can be done in the capitalist system, but while 
it is engaged in doing that, its revolutionary eye will be 
fixed upon the goal ; and there will be a great difference be- 
tween a strike of revolutionary workers and a strike of ig- 
norant trade unionists who but vaguely understand what they 
want and do not know how to get that (Applause). 

The Industrial Workers is less than six months old, and 
already has a round hundred thousand of dues-paying mem- 
bers. (Applause). This splendid achievement has no par- 
allel in the annals of organized labor. From every direction. 
come the applications for charters and for organizers, and 
when the delegates of this revolutionary economic organiza- 
tion meet in the city of Chicago, next year, it will be the 
greatest convention that ever met in the United States m the 
interest of the working class. (Apnlause). 

This organization has a world-wide mission ; it makes its. 
iippeal directly to the working class. It asks no favors from 





No organization of working men has ever been so flagrant- 
ly misTepresented by the capitalist press as has been the In- 
dustrial Workers of the World ; every delegate to the Chicago 
convention will bear testimony to this fact; and this is as it 
■should be; the capitalist press is the mouthpiece of the cap- 
italist class, and the very fact that the capitalist press is the 
organ, virtually, of the American Federation of Labor, is in 
itself sufficient to open the eyes of the working class. 

If the American Federation of Labor were not in alliance 
with the capitalist class, the capitalist press would not pour 
its fulsome eulogy upon it 

This press has not one friendly word for the Industrial 
Workers, not one, and we do not expect it to have. These 
papers of the plutocrats know us and we know them (ap- 
plause) ; between us there is no misunderstanding. 

The workers of the country (the intelligent ones at least) 
Tcadily see the difference between revolutionary and reaction- 
ary unionism, and that is why thy are deserting the old and 
joining the new ; that is why the Industrial Workers is build- 
ing up so rapidly; that is why there is such a widespread 
demand for organizers and for literature and for all other 
means of building up this class-conscious economic organiza- 
tion. (Applause). 

As I have said, the Industrial Workers begin by declaring 
that there is nothing in common between capitalists and 

The capitalists own the tools they do not use, and the 
workers use the tools they do not own. 

The capitalists, who own the tools that the working class 
use appropriate to themselves what the working class produce, 
and this accounts for the fact that a few capitalists become 
fabulously rich while the toiling millions remain in poverty, 
ignorance and dependence. 

Let me make this point perfectly clear for the benefit of 
ihose who have not thought it out for themselves. Andrew 
Carnegie is a type of the capitalist class. He owns the tools 
^th which steel is produced. These tools are used by many 
thousands of working men. Andrew Carnegie, who owns 
ihepe tools, has absolutely nothing: to do with the production 
of steel. He may be in Scotland, or where he will, the pro- 

duction of steel goes forward just the same. His mills at 
Pittsburg, Duquesne and Homestead, where these tools are 
located, are thronged with thousands of tool-less wage-work- 
ers, who work day and night, in winter's cold and summer's 
heat, who endure all the privations and make all the sacri- 
fices of health and limb and life, producing thousands upon 
thousands of tons of steel, yet not having an interest, even 
the slightest, in the product. Carnegie, who owns the tools, 
appropriates the product, and the workers, in exchange for 
their labor power, receive a wage that serves to keep them in 
producing order; and the more industrious they are, and the 
more they produce, the worse they are off; for the sooner 
they have produced more than* Carnegie can get rid of in the 
markets, then the tool houses are shut down and the workers 
are locked out in the cold. 

This is a beautiful arrangement for Mr. Carnegie; he 
does not want a change, and so he is in favor of the Civic 
Federation, and a leading member of it; and he is doing 
what he can to induce you to think that this ideal relation 
ought to be maintained forever. 

Now, what is true of steel production is true of every other 
department of industrial activity ; you belong to the millions 
who have no tools, who cannot work without selling your 
labor power, and when you sell that, you have got to deliver 
it in person ; you cannot send it to the mill, you have got 
to carry it there ; you are inseparable from your labor power. 

You have got to go to the mill at 7 in the morning and 
work until 6 in the evening, producing, not for yourself, 
but for the capitalist who owns the tools you made and use,, 
and without which you are almost as helpless as if you had 
no arms. 

This fundamental fact in modern industry you must rec- 
ognize, and you must organize upon the basis of this fact; 
you must appeal to your class to join the union that is the 
true expression of your economic interests, and this union 
must be large enough to embrace you all, and such is the In- 
dustrial Workers of the World. 

Every man and every woman who works for wages is 
eligible to membership. 

Organized into various departments, when you join yon 



become a member of the department that represents your 
'Craft, or occupation, whatever it may be; and when you have 
« grievance, your department has supervision of it; and if 
jou fail to adjust it in that department, you are not limited 
to your craft alone for support, but, if necessary, all the 
jorkers in all other departments will unite solidly in your 
defense to the very last. (Applause). 

41. i// P^^^ "? "^"^^^ industry. The workers, under 
the old form of unionism, are parceled out to a score or more 
of unions. Craft division incites craft jealousy and so they 
are more or less in conflict with each other, and the em- 
ployer constructively takes advantage of this fact, and that 
18 why he favors pure and simple unionism. 

It were better for the workers who wear craft fetters if 
they were not organized at all, for then they could and would 
spontaneously ^ out on strike together; but they cannot do 
this in craft unionism, for certain crafts bind themselves up 
in craft agreements, and after they have done this, they are 
at the mercy of the capitalist; and when their fellow union- 

itl L^rJl ^^^"^ ^^^ ^^^' *^^y «^^^ ^^^ ^e^ convenient 
excuse that they cannot help them, that they must preserve 

the sanctity of the contract they have made with the emplcver. 

This so^alled contract is regarded as of vastly more im- 

the^sdves "" ^^^' *^^ ""^"^ ^'""^ ""^ ^^ workingmen 

^o^\t """"i* ^°*f^^ that certain departments shall so at- 
tach themselves to the capitalist employers. We purpose 

JZl " ^•^'^f^'\'" ^' "^S«"^^^^' «"^ i^ there isTnv 
agreement. It will embrace them all; and if there is anV 

Tiolation of the agreement, in the case of a single emplove, 

]t at once becomes the concern of all. (Applause). That 

IS unionism industrial unionism, in which all of the workers, 

totally regardless of occupation, are united compactly within 

the one organization, so that at all times they can act io^ 

t1, J-""! w'^'i^''^^'^^ '"• ^t '' ^I^^ this basis that the 
Industrial Workers of the World is organized. It is in 
this spirit and with this object in view that it makes its ap- 
peal to the working class. 

Then, again, the revolutionary economic organization has 
% new and important function which has never once hpon 



thought of in the old union, for the simple reason that the 
old union intends that the wage system shall endure forever. 

The Industrial Workers declares that the workers must 
make themselves the masters of the tools with which they 
work; and so a very important function of this new union 
is to teach the workers, or, rather, have them teach them- 
selves the necessity of fitting themselves to take charge of 
the industries in which they are employed when they are 
wrested, as they will be, from their capitalist masters. (Ap- 

So when you join the Industrial Workers you feel the thrill 
of a new aspiration; you are no longer a blind, dumb wage- 
slave. You begin to understand your true and vital relation 
to your fellow-workers. In the Industrial Workers you are 
co-related to all other workers in the plant, and thus you 
develop the embryonic structure of the co-operative com- 
monwealth. (Applause). 

The old unionism would have you contented. We Indus- 
trial Workers are doing what we can to increase your dis- 
content. We would have you rise in revolt against wage- 
slavery. The working man who is contented to-day is truly 
a pitiable object. (Applause). 

Victor Hugo once said: "Think of a smile in chains," — 
that is a working man who, under the influence of the Civic 
Federation, is satisfied with his lot; he is glad he has a 
master, has some one to serve; for, in his ignorance, he 
imagines that he is dependent upon the master. 

The Industrial Workers is appealing to the working class 
to develop their latent powers and above all, their capacity 
for clear thinking. 

You are a working man and you have a brain and if you 
do not use it in your own interests, you are guilty of high 
trecson to your manhood. (Applause). 

It is for the very reason that you do not use your brain 
in your interests that you are compelled to deform your 
body in the interests of your master. 

I have already said that the capitalist is on your back; 
he furnishes the mouth, you the hands; he consumes, you 
produce. That is why be runs largely to stomach and von 
to hands. ^ Laughter >. 






I would not be a capitalist; I would be a man; you can* 
not be both ai the same time. (Applause). 

"he capitalist exists by exploitation, lives out of the labor^ 
tliitL is to say the life, of the working man; consumes him^ 
an<i his code of morals and standard of ethics justify it and 
th proves that capitalism is cannibalism. (Applause). 

- man, honest, just, high-minded, would scorn to live out 
of i lie sweat and sorrow of his fellow man — by preying upon 
his weaker brother. 

We propose to destroy the capitalist and save the man. 
(Applause). We want a system in which the worker shall 
get what he produces and the capitalist shall produce what 
he gets. (Applause). That is a square deal. 

The prevailing lack of unity implies the lack of class con- 
sciousness. The workers do not yet understand that they 
are <mgaged in a class struggle, that they must unite their 
cla^s and get on the right side of that struggle economically, 
politically and in every other way— (applause), strike to- 
gether, vote together and, if necessary, fight together. (Pro- 
longed applause). 

The capitalist and the leader of the pure and simple union 
do what they can to wipe out the class lines; they do not want 
you to recognize the class struggle ; they contrive to keep you 
divided, and as long as you are divided, you will remain 
where you are, robbed and helpless. 

When you unite and act together, the world is youra. 
(Prolonged applause). 

The fabled Samson, shorn of his locks, the secret of his 
power, was the sport and prey of the pygmies that tormented 
him. The modern working class, shorn of their tools, the 
secret of their power, are at the mercy of a small class who 
exploit them of what they produce and then hold them in 
contempt because of their slavery. 

No master ever had the slightest respect for his slave any 
more than any slave ever had the least real love for his master. 

Between these two classes there is an irrepressible conflict, 
and we Industrial Workers are pointing it out that vou may 
see it, that you may get on the right side of it, that you may 
get together and emancipate yourselves from every form of 
servitude. — * 


It can be done in no other way ; but a bit of sober reason- 
ing will convince you workers of this fact. 

It is so simple that a child can see it. Why can't you? 
You can if you will think for yourselves and see for your- 
selves. But you will not do this if you were taught in the 
old union school ; you will still look to someone else to lead 
that you may follow ; for you are trained to follow the blind 
leaders of the blind. You have been betrayed over and over 
again ,and there will be no change until you make up your 
minds to think and see and act for yourselves. 

I would not have you blindly walk into the Industrial 
Workers; if I had sufficient influence or power to draw you 
into it, I would not do it. I would have you stay where you 
are until you can see your way clear to join it of your own 
accord. It is your organization; it is composed of your class; 
it is committed to the interests of your class; it is going to 
fight for your class, for your whole class, and continue the 
fight until your class is emancipated. (Applause). 

There is a great deal of opposition to this organization. 
The whole capitalist class and all their labor lieutenants are 
against it (applause) ; and there is an army of them, and all 
their names are on the pay-roll and expense account. They 
all hold salaried positions, and are looking out for themseNes. 

When the working class unite, there will be a lot of jobless 
labor leaders. (Applause). 

In many of these craft unions they have it so arranged that 
the rank and file do not count for any more than if they were 
so many sheep. In the railroad organizations, for instance, 
if the whole membership vote to go out on strike, they can- 
not budge without the official sanction of the Grand Chief. 
His word outweighs that of the entire membership. In the 
light of this extraordinary fact, is it strange that the work- 
ers are often betrayed? Is it strange that they continue at 
the mercy of their exploiters? 

Haven't they had quite enough of this? Isn't it time 
for them to take an inventory of their own resources? 

If you are a working man, suppose you look yourself over, 
just once ; take an invoice of your mental stock and see what 
you have. Do not accent my word; do not depend upon 
anybody but yourself. Think it out for yourself ; and if vou 

if if i 



do, I am quite certain that you wiU join the organization that 
represents your class (applause) ; the organization that ha« 
room for all your class ; the organization that appeals to you 
to develop your own brain, to rely upon yourself and be a 
man among men. And that is what the working class have 
to do, cultivate self-reliance and think and act for them- 
selves; and that IS what they are stimulated to do in the In- 
dustrial Workers. 

We have great hope and abiding faith for we know that 
each day will bring us increasing numbers, influence and 
power; and this notwithstanding all the opposition that can 
be arrayed against us. 

We know that the principles of the Industrial Workers 
are right and that its ultimate triumph is assured beyond 
the question of a doubt; and if you believe in its conquerin«f 
mission, then we ask you to be true enough to yourselv^ 
and your class to join it; and when vou join it you will have 
a rluty to perform and that duty wilfbe to go out among the 
^ u-ganized and bring them into the ranks and help in this 
at work of education and organization, without which the 
rkmg class is doomed to continued ignorance and slavery. 
arJ Marx the profound economic philosopher, who will 
^Tiownm future as the great emancipator, uttered the in- 
inng shibboleth a half century ago: '^orkingmen of all 
untries unite; you have nothing to lose but your chains: 
•u have a world to gain." 

You workers are the only class essential to society; aH 

hers can be spared, but without vou society would ^rish. 

ou produce the wealth, you support government, you create 

m ^i^^^ civilization. You ought to be, cai be and 

>llbe the masters of the earth. (Great applause). 

oK i/i- "^ Z""^- ^^ ^eP^n^ent upon a capitalist? Why 

V \^ this capitalist own a tool he cannot use? And why 

pnould not you own the tool you have to use ^ 

ma^IT ?i^ '"^ T'^ "^^^^ **^^* ^^^'^^ everywhere has been 
made by t he working class, and is set and kept in operation 

nLloLT ""^ ""^T' ^°^ ]^J^^ ^^"^^^ ^^«^« <^^ ^ake and 
operate this marveloijs wealth-producins: machinery, they can 
also develop the intelligence to make themselves the misters 
Of this machinery (applause), and operate it not to turn out 



millionaires, but to produce wealth in abundance for them- 

You cannot afford to be contented with your lot ; you have 
a brain to develop and a manhood to sustain. You ought 
to have some aspiration to be free. 

Suppose you do have a job, and that you can get enough 
to eat and clothes enough to cover your body, and a place to 
sleep; you but exist upon the animal plane; your very life 
is suspended by a slender thread ; you don't know what hour 
a machine may be invented to displace you, or you may 
offend your economic master, and your job is gone. You go 
to work early in the morning and you work all day; you go 
to your lodging at night, tired; you throw your exhausted 
body upon a bed of straw to recuperate enough to go back 
to the factory and repeat the same dull operation the next 
day, and the next, and so on and on to the dreary end; and 
in some respects you are not so well off as was the chattel 
slave. He had no fear of losing his job ; he was not black- 
listed; he had food and clothing and shelter; and now and 
then, seized with a desire for freedom, he tried to run away 
from his master. You do not try to run away from yours. 
He doesn't have to hire a policeman to keep an eye on you. 
When you run, it is in the opposite direction, when the 
bell rings or the whistle blows. 

You are as much subject to the command of the capitalist 
as if you were his property under the law. You have got 
to go to his factory because you have got to work; he is 
the master of your job, and you cannot work without his 
consent, and he only gives this on condition that you sur- 
render to him all you produce except what is necessary to 
keep you in running order. 

The machine you work with has to be oiled; you have to 
be fed; the wage is your lubricant, it keeps you in working 
order, and so you toil and sweat and groan and reproduce 
yourself in the form of labor power, and then you pass away 
like a silk worm that spins its task and dies. 

That is your lot in the capitalist system and you have no 
right to aspire to rise above the dead level of wage-slavery. 

It is true that one in ten thousand may escape from his 
rlasw? and become a millionaire; he is the rare exception that 






ek«r.S%^ ^^' wage-workers remain in the working 
class and they never can become anything else in the capi- 
talist system. They produce and perish, ^d their explX 
bones mingle with the dust. e^pioiiea 

h«S/!7.{^ ^f^V^ * P^^' industrial paralysis, and 
hundreds of thousands of workers are flung into the st^te • 
no work, no wages ; and so they throng the highways in search 
of employment that cannot be found ; they become va^ 
tramps outcaste, criminals. It is in this way that the Cn 

sy^?em Xr*''' ^^ *^"* ^T S^^^uates in the capitalist 
system, all the way from petty larceny to homicide. 

or wv f ^ ^'^^T^ ""^^ P^°^"^^ *^e wealth haye little 

™ Sfm*' '^r/'\ '^' .^^''^ '' widespread ignorance 
among them; mdustnal and social conditions prevail that 
defy all language properly to describe. The working claL 

ren m enforced competition with one another, in all of the 
eirclmg hours of the day and night, for the sale'of their labor 
power, and m the severity of the competition the wage inks 
gradually until it touches the point of Vubsistence. ^ 
^i^A A^^^}^^"""^ *^*° ^^^ "^i"io°8 of women are en- 
M-i^f il^^^^ ^^ i"^"^^°°« «^ ^^ild^en, and the number 
of chid laborers is steadily increasing, for in this system 
profit IS important, while life has no vake. It is not a%ue^ 
tion of male labor, or female labor, or child labor; it is simplv 
a question of cheap labor without reference to th^ eV^t Zn 

he' ZZZl Sro^M^- "^"r '' ^"P^^y^^ '- preference'to 
1.1^ ^v ^! ^\'\^ '° preference to the woman; and so we 
have millions of children, who, in their early, tend^ y^a^ 

ttiX *^VPi'/^"°^' ^' ^* «^^^J> ^hen they ought 

^d en W 'fr]'^\*' ^^"^ ^l'^ ^^^^^ ^ ^^'^ wholesome f!od 
Z.f^Tl ^^^ ateiosphere they are forced into the in- 

i^\rt }• '°'^v^*f monBi^Ts and become as living cogs 
in the revolving wheels. They are literally fed to industry 
^produce profite. They are dwarfed and' deformed, men! 
;telly, morally and physically; they have no chance in life- 
ttey are the victims of the industrial system that the Indus' 
teal Workers is organized to abolish, in the interest, not 

only of the working class, but in the higher interest of all 
humanity. ( Applause ) . 

If there is a crime that should bring to the callous cheek 
of capitalist society the crimson of shame, it is the unspeak- 
able crime of child slavery ; the millions of babes that fester 
in the sweat shops, are the slaves of the wheel, and cry out 
in their agony, but are not heard in the din and roar of our 
industrial infernalism. 

Take that great army of workers, called coal miners, or- 
ganized in a craft union that does nothing for them; that 
seeks to make them contented with their lot. These miners 
are at the very foundation of industry and without their labor 
every wheel would cease to revolve as if by the decree of some 
industrial Jehovah. (Applause). There are 600,000 of 
these slaves whose labor makes possible the firesides of the 
world, while their own loved ones shiver in the cold. I know 
something of the conditions under which they toil and despair 
and perish. I have taken time enough to descend to the 
depths of these pits, that Dante never saw, or he might have 
improved upon his masterpiece. I have stood over these 
slaves and I have heard the echo of their picks, which sounded 
te me like muffled drums throbbing funeral marches to the 
grave, and I have said to myself, in the capitalist system, 
these wretches are simply following their own hearses to the 
potter's field. In all of the horizon of the future there is 
no star that sheds a ray of hope for them. 

Then I have followed them from the depths of these black 
holes, over to the edge of the camp, not to the home, they 
have no home ; but to a hut that is owned by the corporation 
that owns them, and here I have seen the wife,— Victor 
Hugo once said that the wife of a slave is not a wife at all ; 
she is simply a female that gives birth to young— I have seen 
this wife standing in the doorway, after trying all day lon^ 
to make a ten-cent piece do the service of a half-dollar, and 
she was ill-humored; this could not be otherwise, for love 
and abject poverty do not dwell beneath the same roof. Here 
there is no paper upon the wall and no carpet upon the floor; 
there is not a picture to appeal to the eye; there is no statute 
to challenge the soul, no strain of inspiring music to touch 
and quicken what Lincoln called the better angels of human 





! f 

^^ L^ ^l^ *¥/® 'f haggard poverty and want. And in 
this ateosphere the children of the future are bein^ reared 
many thousands of them, under conditions that make it mor- 
aUy certain that they wiU become paupers, or criminals, or 

Man is the product, the expression of his enyironment 
Show me a majestic tree that towers aloft, that challenges 
the a^iration of man, or a beautiful rose-bud that, under 
^e influence of sunshine and shower, bursts into bloom and 
fills the common air with its fragrance; these are possible 
only because the soil and climate are adapted to their growth 
and culture Transfer this flower from the sunlight wid the 
atmosphere to a cellar filled with noxious gases, and it withers 
and dies The same law applies to human beings ; the indus- 
tnai soil and the social climate must be adapted to the de- 
velopment of men and women, and then society will cease 
producing (cry of "down with capitalism") the multiplied 
thousands of deformities that to-day are a rebuke to our 
much vaunted civilization, and, above aU, an impeachment 
of the capitalist system. (Applause). 

What is true of the miners is true in a greater or less de- 

^^ '? *LT^^^®^® ^ ^^^ ^^^^^ departments of industrial 
activity. This system has about fulfilled its historic mis- 

"^? i^P^i? ^""V ^^^ *^®'"® ^^® *^^ unerring signs of change 
and the time has come for the organization of the working 
class to pave the way for this change. Education and or- 
ganization of the working class for the social revolution 
(applause) that is to lift the workers from the depths of 
slavery and elevate them to an exalted plane of equality and 
fraternity. (Applause). ^ ^ 

At the beginning of industrial society men worked with 
hand tools; a boy could learn a trade, make himself the 
master of the simple tools with which he worked, and emplov 
himself and enjoy what he produced ; but that simple tool of 
a century ago has become a mammoth social instrument ; in 
a word, that tool has been socialized. Not onlv this, but pro- 
duction has been socialized. As small a commodity as a pin 
^^ *,P?^' ^^ * ^^^^^ involves for its production all of the 
social labor of the land ; but this evolution is not yet com- 
plete; the fool hp<: benn socialized, production hns been 

ized, and now ownership must also be socialized; in other 
words, those great social instruments that are used in modem 
industry for the production of wealth, those great social 
agencies that are socially made and socially used, must also 
be socially owned. (Applause). 

The Industrial Workers is the only economic organization 
that makes this declaration, that states this fact and is or- 
ganized upon this foundation, that the workers must own 
their tools and employ themselves. This involves a revolu- 
tion, and this means the end of the capitalist system, and 
the rearing of a working class republic (prolonged applause), 
the first real republic the world has ever known ; and it is 
coming just as certainly as I stand in your presence. 

You can hasten it, or you can retard it, but you cannot 
prevent it. 

This the working class can achieve, and if you are in that 
class and you do not believe it, it is because of your ignorance, 
it is because you got your education in the school of pure and 
simple unionism, or in a capitalist political party. This the 
working class can achieve and all that is required is that the 
working class shall be educated, that they shall unite, that 
they shall act together. 

The capitalist politician and the labor lieutenant have al- 
ways contrived to keep the working class divided, upon the 
economic field and upon the political field; and the workers 
have made no progress, and never will until they desert those 
false leaders and unite beneath the revolutionary standard of 
the Industrial Workers of the World. (Applause). 

The capitalists have the mills and the tools and the dol- 
lars, but you are an overwhelming majorit\^; you have the 
men, you have the votes. There are not enough of them to 
continue this system an instant ; it can only be continued bv 
your consent and with your approval, and to the extent that 
you give it you are responsible for your slavery; and if you 
have your eyes opened, if you understand where you properly 
belong, it is still a fortunate thing for you that you cannot 
do anything for yourself until you have opened the eves of 
those that are yet in darkness. (Applause). 

Now, there are many workers who have had their eyes 
opened and they are giving their time and energy to the revo- 



and an energy unkiown in the cirdes of union,! T ^ 
^onths from this night you will S that the fis a ve'^^ 
formidable organization of Industrial Worked in New Vo^ 

act now and for yourself- Jr^TTt LI ^ .1' ^^* ^^^ 

i^L^ 1^ '™P'7 monumental of the ienorance of vo«r 
? r TTSe"whilftr '''^^ «"•* *" b«^- teTu?at:'thC 
of contim?t,tw t^'crslTdli^^^^ ""!! *^^- ^"^^^ 

e^Stheta ]Lt of-rTanZ'd- *^'^' ^ ^^ ^^^ 

Camp Fri "* '' '' ^^'^'^S qmck-step marches t<; 

Stand erect ! Lift your bowed form from the earth i Th« 
dust has long «,ough borne the impress of your taeJs 

ligW ZSas^ 'h ,'r " ^'' '^"" you'castSe sun- 

con^tioif^Sd th^enS'iot'Lr;' ^**^ '^^ »^°" y-' 
quences of your ite° ^ ' ^""^ " '"""' *« ''""^ 

wo5:«liiS^ TndC w''- . ^1!'^ ^* *° h'^^ the 
eion/you ail tun'd 'to ,S thT iX^iS ^or^: ^11 



come a missionary in the field of industrial unionism. You 
will then feel the ecstacy of a new-born aspiration. You will 
do your very best. You will wear the badge of the Indus- 
trial Workers, and you will wear it with pride and joy. 

The very contempt that it invites will be a compliment 
to you; in truth, a tribute to your manhood. 

Go out into the field and bring in the rest of the workers, 
that they may be fully equipped for their great mission. We 
will wrest what we can, step by step, from the capitalists, but 
with our eye fixed upon the goal; we will press forward, keep- 
ing step together with the inspiring music of the new eman- 
cipation ; and when we have enough of this kind of organiza- 
tion, as Brother De Leon said so happily the other day (ap- 
plause), when we are lined up in battle array, and the cap- 
italists try to lock us out, we will turn the tables on the 
gentlemen and lock them out. (Applause). 

We can run the mills without them but they cannot run 
them without us. (Applause). 

It is a very important thing to develop the economic power 
to have a sound economic organization. This has been the 
mherent weakness in the labor movement of the United 
States. We need, and sorely need, a revolutionary economic 
organization. We must develop this kind of strength ; it is 
the kind that we will have occasion to use in due time, and 
it 18 the kind that will not fail us when the crisis comes. So 
we shall organize and continue to organize the political field • 
and 1 am of those that believe that the day is near at hand 
when we shall have one great revolutionary economic organ- 
ization of the working class and one g^reat revolutionary 
political party of the working class. (Cheers and prolonged 
app ause). Then will proceed with increased impetus the 
work of education and organization that will culminate in 

This great body will sweep into power and seize the reins 
of government ; take possession of industry in the name of 
the working class and it can be easily done. All that will 
be required will be to transfer the title from the parasites 
to the producers; and then the working class, in control of 

^Iru"^' '^'" T.'*^*^ '* ^'^'' *^^ ^^"^^* 0^ all. The work dav 
will be reduced m proportion to the progress of invention 


JNI>; .Mi;i \,. UNION 


'i^'i^:'m^:^lt\^t^'^ « chance to work, „u.. 

i» work m d work witMoT^Tl 1 *'"«"?•■«=« himself 
•>o t,. only badgrtf'^ltC;^''*?^,;^.^^^^^^^^^^^ 
will becwne a tt-mplo of science ThnLL?' ''•"'?«'" 
!->-^, and all \..»,Liy diseXalled '"'"" •■''^'' *'" '«• 

redlteTrof'thrut": rnTxr^r''^ <«w''--) ; «... 

irreat historic miss n men ,n "'^ ^""^ ^''"'"'='' *«^ 
lands and enjov X vi^on Tt T'T ?"" *«"' "'« high- 

triumph of Freedom and CiWMzation ""•'''^"''''"f '" ">,• 
applause). '-ivuization. (Long, eontinue.1 



This book is due on the date indicated below, or at the 
expiration of a definite period after the date of borrowing, as 
provided by the library rules or by special arrangement with 
the Librarian in charge. 

OATS aoimowco 














, SyrocuM, 
I Stockton, 







^ Leott__ 

D 34 

Industrial TTm'nrn^cTn 



~~^^^i^ i^/xfi /66 



0^0 ^s 



"*■ " -" " l^SC** 


-* ^ ' 



4 t^ 



,*■ *' 


•> '4 . 

fr .St 

•*W .. ,r 

^.S. ■'"»' 

V .-^ 







» V»> ''J 













'^ t 







f ^ 

i * 



. V'^f,' 

c»-- ti, 


v%^ .- 

Tisk ■ 




'#.• ^ 






->• !«•' 







^f . 



s* * 






i ' 







•j» js 





'^^ :'§■ 




» °j * . « 

I ^. 




-J <